Cognate class 3310
return to ‘give’
Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary on the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. ...
"Regarding its etymology, consensus seems to have been reached. The verb is generally explained as a univerbation of the preverb pe- followed by a root *(h1)ai- or *(H)ei-, which is connected with TochB ai-, TochA e- 'to give' and Gr. αἲνυμι 'to take' [...]. Yet, as I argue in Kloekhorst 2006a, this etymology has to be rejected because it is impossible to explain how the weak stem pi- can be phonetically traced back to a preverb reflecting *h1poi that is prefixed to a verbal root. As we see in the paradigm of paĭi-/ pai ‘to go’, a preform *h1poi + *h1ienti yields *paĭanzi > panzi, and not **piĭanzi. Moreover, the absence of a counterpart with the preverb uand the abundant attestation of this verb in the other Anatolian languages as well (whereas the preverb peis further scarcely attested outside Hittite), suggests that pai-/pi cannot be a univerbated verb. As I explain in the cited article, pai-/pihas to be analyzed as all d i/ti¨anzi-class verbs in the sense that they reflect a structure *CC-oi/ *CC-i-, i.e. the zero grade of a verbal root followed by an ablauting -oi-/-i-suffix. For paii / pithis means that the root must be either *PeHor *HeP-. The only root that semantically fits is *h 1 ep‘to seize, to grab’ (for which see also s.v. eppzi / app-), as is clear from e.g. Alb. ap‘to give’ (< *h 1 op-e¨e-, cf. Klingenschmitt 1981: 127) and Germ. *geb‘to give’ (< *ga+ *h 1 ep-, cf. Kortlandt 1992: 104). I therefore reconstruct *h 1 p-oi/ *h 1 p-i-.
Indo-European Lexical Cognacy Database (LexDB version 0.9)